Erenlai - Items filtered by date: Wednesday, 26 March 2014
Thursday, 27 March 2014 00:00

5月 ─ 城市與詩

 

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本期專輯討論:城市會使我們興起何種詩意感覺?如何將城市解讀為詩作並培養城市的詩質靈魂?願這樣的討論,能給與讀者啟發並影響未來的城市規畫,使一座城市的興建,也是夢、想像與創意的培植與完成之所。

(封面攝影/笨篤)

目錄

論辨空間

01 天籟、人籟

撰文/江漢聲

讀未來

04 義氣背後的苦悶吶喊

電影《艋舺》主人翁崇尚義氣的劇情,引起教育者的不安,也引發我們思考青少年的困境。

撰文/王乾任

06 死刑之議,人權之辨

撰文/高涌誠、黃瑞明

活動報導

08 中西友誼共創文化新局

──記「利瑪竇太平洋研究室啟用典禮」及利氏逝世四百周年紀念活動

撰文、攝影/編輯部

10 人籟部落格

專輯:城市與詩

12 引言

撰文/笨篤  翻譯/張令憙

14 冬日城市,一個漫遊者在歐洲

落雪的城市彷彿潛藏著什麼,城市的線條、記憶和軌跡所具有的強烈詩意,在漫遊者眼前展現了建築、空間和人的集合之為一個整體的奧秘。

撰文、攝影/笨篤  翻譯/張令憙

22 萊登詩生活

城市能有多少詩意?城市居民或遊人如何化詩意為現實?唯有透過「生活」本身,我們才能獲得解答。

撰文/Nakao Eki、羅永清

34 薩爾斯堡魔鬼的顫音

因著上世紀未曾東窗事發的罪案,薩爾斯堡從此在記憶裡,有了永不褪色的音韻和姿態。

撰文/Nakao Eki     攝影/笨篤

38 法蘭西霍克,小城在山谷間迴盪輕揚旋律

若說開普敦是一首華麗的交響樂,法蘭西霍克就是巴哈的法國組曲,充滿朝氣地迴盪在群山環繞之處。

撰文/Joyce Lin

44 上海,讀不到結尾的詩篇

曾經亢奮的掘金者以熱情點亮了黃埔江畔的城市;而今,上海仍以無比的生命力,書寫出一頁頁城市新篇章!

撰文/青樂

48 台北,時間‧光影‧鏡中像

時間之舌貼在車窗長鏡,徐徐刷過褪金城市的角落;遠來的旅人夢見自己盹睡著,書寫關於它,以及逝去與未曾到來。

撰文、攝影/廖梅璇

52 京都,走過靜好時光

古老的廟宇、禪意的庭園,保留日本傳統菁華的京都,也是詩意之所在。

撰文、攝影/馬莉(Marie Delaplanche  翻譯/吳思薇

54 坎培拉,大衛林區夢境再現

身為新興都市,坎培拉看似沒有特殊之處,卻可能激發你的想像力,讓你做個與眾不同的夢。

撰文/范寶文 Paul Farrelly  翻譯/吳思薇

58 影繪城市心律

影像工作者體會的城市律動有何特殊?他們眼中城市的詩意又在哪裡?讓我們分享兩位導演心中的「一頁台北」!

採訪、撰文/吳思薇  攝影/張俐紫

特刊

62 帶著琴聲走向人籟──專訪《人籟》新總編江漢聲

今年五月知名的醫生科學家江漢聲,接任《人籟》新總編,且讓我們聽聽他對《人籟》的未來有何擘畫。

採訪、撰文/林思慧

人文論辨

66 雄性陽具生殖場

塗鴉是一種社會建構,在台灣卻成為浪漫想像。當它被貼上各種標籤,我們既美化它,同時也將它汙名化。

撰文、攝影/Bbrother

心靈地圖

72 那天,我從公園經過──台灣生活偶拾

撰文/威廉史汀生(William R. Stimson  翻譯/鍾長均  攝影/夏晚森

作品

76 搭枱

撰文/阿缺

影評

80 你會看見時代的眼淚──鄭文堂導演專訪

採訪、撰文/Night Flight

86 姿態的美學

撰文/686

92 輕盈自傳恣意遊

撰文/周星星

書評

96 對不起,我們還不是一百分

撰文/周富美

98 寓言即預言

撰文/王誠之

Published in 人籟 2010
Thursday, 27 March 2014 00:00

4月─ 歧路中的台灣高等教育

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台灣高等教育正走在歧路上。學費、後段大學、理想課程應如何設計、培養的人才是否符合社會需求等,許多問題迫在眉睫,改革之路常充滿爭議。但唯有透過一次次的討論,我們才能窺見改善的曙光。

封面設計/!deaPocket

目錄

論辨空間

01 衝突的世界,不信任的年代

撰文/魏明德 翻譯/鍾長均

讀未來

04 創造供需雙贏農業策略

穀賤傷農、穀貴傷民,面對波動的農作價格,政府與人民是否能有不一樣的作為與思考?

撰文/蔡培慧

06 利瑪竇的微笑

撰文/李禮君

10 人籟部落格

專輯:方帽下的徬徨——歧路中的高等教育

12 引言

14 高等教育的全球挑戰

理想的高等教育究竟為何?受全球化與資本主義盛行的影響,高等教育正面臨何種挑戰,又該如何因應?

撰文/魏明德  翻譯/艾姆

20 培養人才從高處做起──專訪教育部政務次長林聰明

國家希望透過高等教育培養何種人才?因應高教問題,政府有哪些具體措施?對於未來又有何願景?

撰文/吳思薇  攝影/張俐紫

22 人人都是大學生,然後呢?──後段大學二三問

讓數字告訴我們後段大學的問題,也讓我們思考它們背後的意義。

撰文/林子嵐、吳思薇

24 出得校門,進得市場──高等教育與就業力養成

在知識經濟的時代,高等教育應如何在兼顧人格養成的理念下,培育具高度就業力的人才?

撰文/邱俊榮

30 他們眼中的高等教育

在不同世代的眼中,台灣高等教育呈現何種樣貌?對當下高教的處境,又有什麼想法與期望?

採訪、撰文/吳思薇 

34 在大學,耕一畝理想夢土──清華學院的新嘗試

除了課堂,學生是否能由其他途徑習得探索自我與獨立思考的能力?清華學院的嘗試,或許能帶來不同的啟發。

撰文/李天健

40 讓白色巨塔散發人性之光──談醫學教育中的人文素養

台灣通識教育究竟出了什麼問題?且以輔仁大學醫學院課程的設計為例,讓我們檢視人文通識教育的另一種可能。

撰文/江漢聲

44 高教價值知多少

誰該支付高教成本?誰從高教獲取利益?讓我們由不同觀點,探討高等教育應有的「價值」,並思考因應對策。

撰文/駱明慶、簡淑慧

50 歧路莫徬徨──再思台灣高等教育

台灣高等教育正面臨重大挑戰,改革刻不容緩。我們發現問題,但也窺見改善的曙光。

撰文/林思慧

人文論辨

54 有名為萬物之母

自詡為萬物之靈的人類究竟與其他動物有何差異?那些差異,又從何而來?與文明發展有何關係?

撰文/王道還

心靈地圖

60 從容品嘗每一刻幸福

撰文‧攝影/塵襲

62 植物園妙遇奇緣

在城市裡,傳奇、古老的祕密、逝去的身影、還有消失了的話語……,都沈澱在植物園的深處。

撰文‧攝影/恰唯

作品

68 思念

撰文‧繪圖/沈秀臻

國際

74 海地,碎礫中重建歷史記憶

當人們努力協助海地人重建殘破的家園,或許也是重新整理海地歷史記憶的時刻。

撰文/Saljen lja Palemeq

影評

80 黑幫老大的宿命獄言

撰文/686

86 通俗劇中見真章

撰文/聞天祥

90 寂寞之心

當充氣娃娃有了真實的生命,也就懂了人類世界的愛與寂寞。

撰文/麥克

書評

94 永遠的齊老師.永遠的文學

撰文/果子離

98 猜想畢飛宇

撰文/傅月庵

Published in 人籟 2010
Thursday, 27 March 2014 00:00

3月─ 黑色福爾摩沙

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一場跨年盛宴

一個神祕的預言

一件拍賣場上的珍稀瓷器

當一對來台渡假的法國警界戀人

捲入一樁離奇綁架案

過去與現在

美麗與哀愁

都隨著島嶼周圍渦流

陷入深不可測的黑暗之心……

01〔論辨空間〕里松與羅嵐的台灣續曲

04〔譯者的話〕台灣的法國戀曲

05〔作者序〕遷移中的台灣

06【第1回】南京冬日 雲霧漫城 雨絲湧撲

08【第2回】年終盛宴後的突襲 盛宴款待 灌醉時分

14【第3回】法國督察的台北之旅 台灣渡假 喝下蛇血

24【第4回】法台聯合辦案協助辦案 意外任務

30【第5回】天花板的雨聲黑暗異地 傾聽出路

32【第6回】被冷落的女督察 值得追查 線索有限

35【第7回】華人世界的記憶 珍貴文物 過去信物

36【第8回】重大線索vs. DNA 最新消息 謎樣蹤跡

38【第9回】密室對談國寶列車 訴說往事

42【第10回】虛張聲勢的外衣 神祕過往 祕密深藏

49【第11回】泡澡記 溫泉池邊 交換進度

51【第12回】外面世界的聯繫人 出現變數 魂飛魄散

53【第13回】通聯紀錄的方向 通聯紀錄 指向一地

54【第14回】一百二十個家庭 四棟大樓 就在那裡

57【第15回】打包行動 五十便當 待命實驗

59【第16回】十字路口的巧遇 交換心事 流露心曲

64【第17回】白色禮物盒 惡意包裹 放聲尖叫

65【第18回】媒體的壓力與總統府的召見 各方關切 陷入泥淖

66【第19回】效率會議 分配工作 展開行動

68【第20回】警車與計程車 逮捕行動 大有斬獲

70【第21回】大樓囚犯音訊渺茫生死難料 禁食二日

71【第22回】破案英雄 水落石出 有驚無險

76【第23回】亞洲女眷的暖意 女性出動 眷戀台灣

79【第24回】護航會議 跌幅慘重 執意營運

82【第25回】保羅女友的真心話 案子終結 無限疑問

84【第26回】柳樹旁的槍聲 一塊斷木 暗藏殺機

84【第27回】案中案 堅定翻案 幕後罪犯

89【第28回】走吧!離開台灣  決定離開 揮別惡夢

91【第29回】拍賣會競標者 鎖定拍賣 標價探高

95【第30回】共同點的預感 南京人士 長年爭端

97【第31回】二十三樓的追殺 走逃生梯 臨時庇護

101【第32回】遲到的謝意 推測直覺 終受肯定

105【第33回】基隆港的昨日光榮 等候約會 把玩器物

105【第34回】對決懸崖邊  鮮紅記憶 汪洋相忘

Published in 人籟 2010
Thursday, 27 March 2014 00:00

Crimea - The Prize and the Price

By Fabrizio Bozzato and Tatiana Komarova

Russia's takeover of Crimea represents the checkmate of a geopolitical chess game between the Kremlin and the West. The game was opened by Putin's decision to give a safe haven to US whistleblower Edward Snowden, and then continued with the Syrian crisis - seeing Moscow outsmart and outplay the Obama Administration - and culminated into l'affaire Ukraine, in which Russia has carved for itself, rather than found, the opportunity for recapturing Crimea after sixty years of separation and, by doing so, finalizing the first annexation of another country's territory in Europe since World War II. Vladimir Putin has won. Thus, now there are but two significant questions: 1) what is the prize of victory? And 2) what is the price of victory?

The most important trophy of victory is Crimea itself. Controlling the peninsula is a geostrategic essential for Russia. Leaving Crimea's sentimental value aside, the region hosts the Black Sea Fleet naval base, from which Moscow can project force into and throughout the Mediterranean. Notably, the majority of the Black Sea coastline is held by NATO allies except for Georgia, which is keenly pursuing NATO membership, on the east and Ukraine in the north.

Therefore, for Moscow, losing its naval base in Crimea would be akin to military emasculation. By incorporating Crimea into the Russian Federation, Putin has thus secured Russia's enduring status as a Eurasian great power. Also, Russia's assertiveness in protecting its Crimean naval base might result in Moscow establishing a substantial military presence in a key Asian theatre. In fact, Hanoi might decide that allowing strong-willed Russia to have its navy operating permanently from Vietnam's Cam Ranh Bay would be a very effective way to counterweight Beijing's increasing activism in the South China Sea.

Second, by showing uncompromising determination and effectively rattling his saber in Crimea, Putin has conveyed a sturdy message both to the West and to the former Soviet republics seeking to join NATO or other 'Western arrangements'. Namely, Russia has geopolitical imperatives and is going to affirm and defend them with any means it will deem necessary.

The Kremlin has also made clear that it considers any intrusion in the Federation's near abroad a strategic threat to Russian independence. Simply put, Russia means business. In addition, Putin has exposed Western impotence in a Europe still on holiday from strategy and further questioned the diplomatic resolve and martial credibility of the Obama Administration. From now on, Europeans would be better off to think strategically and be aware of their vulnerabilities when dealing with Moscow. Washington, for its part, must realize that Russia has learned to use the democracy and 'responsibility to protect' rhetoric in as Machiavellic a way as the US - and that the Russian President is a leader that thrives in confrontation, is now widely popular at home and, in a growingly multipolar world, has several supportive friends. Especially in Asia.

Third, on the domestic front the retaking of Crimea in spite of Western opposition has boosted Russian pride and nationalism. As a result, Russians are going to weather sanctions and diplomatic retaliation with their chins up. Actually, the US and the EU governments might find it difficult to put together - and cogently implement and sustain - a cohesive sanctions package. Because of their energy dependence on Russia and concern about losing contracts and economic links with Moscow, the Europeans are inclined not to be too heavy-handed with the Kremlin. Economic sanctions might end up hurting both ways, as people in Europe need to stay warm in winter. Besides, the Russian Federation is a large country with extensive resources and diversified trade partners. So, in key EU countries, the industry is lobbying vehemently against imposing sanctions on Russia. As for political-diplomatic sanctions, they are probably going to be generally ineffective. No doubt, Putin is going to wear the exclusion from G8 as a badge of honor at the next BRICS summit.

However, acquiring Crimea comes at a price, one that is both economic and diplomatic. The peninsula used to be umbilically reliant on Ukraine and the Russian government has acknowledged that the Crimean economy "looks no better than Palestine." Therefore, bringing the region in would require massive financial and infrastructural investments from Moscow. Anyway, even if all of these investments added up to US$ 20 or 25 billion, it would still be small change for the cash-rich Russian government. This said, the combination of international enmity and punitive decisions might significantly impact on Russia's economy and international standing. For example, Moscow will not be invited to join the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development any time soon, and will have to abandon any hope of including Ukraine - which has just signed an association agreement with the European Union - in the Russo-centric Eurasian Economic Union. Also, foreign investors could become more hesitant about risking capital in Russia and Russian companies could find it more difficult to obtain credit from Western lenders.

More importantly, Russia's relations with the West are going to enter in a new phase marked by mutual distrust and confrontation. "If it is the price of greatness regained" might remark the Kremlin, "we are ready to pay it." To Moscow's advantage, the Cold War era is unlikely to return. History does not repeat itself. Today's global political and economic ecosystem is one characterized by polycentricity and the tyranny of interdependence. Thus, envisaging a world which is once again neatly divided into two monadic blocks would be nothing short of unrealistic. Equally, to keep pursuing a vision of unilateralism in Europe would be detrimental both to the West and Russia. Time will tell whether the seizure of Crimea has been a masterstroke or a counterproductive move for Russia. If Moscow will be able to develop Crimea and turn it into a success story, it will prove that Russia is as responsible as it is resolute, and shift the burden of proof to the West, which has now the moral obligation to stabilize Ukraine and make it prosperous. Such is the price of Europe being geopolitically fluid again.

 

Map source: Wikimedia Commons

First published on The World Security Network


Fabrizio Bozzato ( 杜允士 ) is a political analyst with a keen interest in Pacific Studies. He holds an M.A. in International Relations (University of Tasmania, Australia) and a Master in Political Science (University of Milan, Italy). He also attained a Grad. Dip. in International Politics with high distinction (University of Tasmania, Australia). Fabrizio lives in Taiwan, where he is an Associate Researcher at the Taipei Ricci Institute. He has also worked at the Centre for International and Regional Affairs at the University of Fiji (Fiji Islands), where he served as Adjunct Lecturer. He is presently pursuing a Ph.D. in International Affairs and Strategic Studies at Tamkang University (Taiwan) and is an editor for the World Security Network Foundation. Fabrizio believes that the currents of the global ocean are shifting from the Atlantic to the Pacific Rim, and especially Asia. He is trying his best to follow Lao Tzu's advice about knowing honor, yet keeping humility.

Tatiana Komarova is a PhD Candidate and Research Fellow at GIIASS, Tamkang University (Taiwan). Tatiana is specializing in international politics, strategy, and Russia-Taiwan-China relations. She has worked as research assistant at Eurasia Studies, Chien Hsin University (Taiwan); and as teaching assistant at GIIASS. She holds a MA in International Politics and Graduate Diploma with Honors in International Affairs from the State University of Nizhny Novgorod (Russia). Her MA thesis is entitled "Pros and cons of the 'Cultural Revolution' in China."

 

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