Erenlai - 按日期過濾項目: 週五, 28 十一月 2008
週六, 29 十一月 2008 00:54

社會的心靈環保

這本書不只是一對表兄妹追尋祖源的故事,也是窺見台灣多元文化的一扇窗。

凌氤寶 撰文

日前,文向教育基金會與《人籟》攜手合辦「台灣文化VS.全球暖化」國際研討會,相關環境變遷價值理念的探索開闊了我們的視野,每位「生命永續獎」的得主尤其令人由衷佩服;此一重大獎項的頒發意義非凡,「文向」能支持這樣的活動亦深感榮幸。傾聽這些得獎人分享動人的故事,使我們的信心更加堅定:環保、文化的最基本問題與解決方法就在心靈發展上。
「心靈環保」是造就健全社會的要素,因為它是環境生態的根本價值觀,因為它關注生命與生命之間的和諧關係。活躍的歷史記憶則是團體心靈健康的關鍵所在;在聆聽長輩們細述回憶及族群歷史的同時,我們更清楚地看見部份的自我,延續先人的足跡行走,我們更明白自己與下一代應該往哪裡去。
《第五天海水漲起來》是田野研究作品,以文字、圖畫和影像紀錄了一段發生在花蓮縣復興鄉太巴塱部落的尋根故事。阿美族人世居花東縱谷及海岸狹長地區,他們的歷史傳說、歌謠與祭典皆展現著台灣的多元文化之美。
在台灣,「多元文化」、「相對價值」等詞語雖人盡皆知,卻似乎成為口號。認識和理解異於己身的文化才是人與人之間相互尊重、和平共存的基礎,不過能夠真正在日常生活以及人與人的接觸之中做到實踐誠屬不易。而《第五天海水漲起來》這本書不只是一對表兄妹追尋祖源的故事,也是窺見台灣多元文化的另一扇窗。相信透過這些故事,我們可以清楚看見不同文化的匯聚、融合與再生,以及它落實在人群生活中的真實樣貌。
「回家」是這部作品的主要意向。藉著它,「家」的意涵也得以擴大、提升,成為一種對人與人、人與土地和諧共生的渴盼。基於如此的信念,文向教育基金與《人籟》共同合作,希望生活在這片土地上的所有團體及每一個人,皆能找到生命中的平衡與健康。謹以這部作品與您分享「回家」的感受,也期待在未來的日子裡,我們能集結更多夥伴,共同走出一條希望的大道。
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週五, 28 十一月 2008 19:19

Colombia: Full Peace Requires Full Justice

For the last 30 years, most of the news about Colombia, the country where I come from, has been negative. Drug traffic, the guerrilla or paramilitary forces which took over the drug business after the big drug cartels’ dismantling have been the dominant news stories. My generation has witnessed a history of violence punctuated with slow and inefficient attempts at justice.

Three groups have been the main protagonists of a fifteen years long undeclared civil war:
1)The guerrilla organizations, FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Colombia’s Revolutionary Armed Forces) and ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional – Nacional Liberation Army). Both started their operations more than 30 years ago. They were clearly inspired by Marxist ideology. Later on, their ideals melted and mixed with drug trafficking and with a stubborn struggle for power through violence.

2)The action of the guerrillas and the weakness of the government have led some people to take justice into their own hands, giving room to the birth of the paramilitary. The paramilitary represents a group of armies united in the purpose of defeating the guerrilla; but, with time passing, they also took over the drug business and they became extremely violent, colluding with the government’s army in several occasions.

3)The third party is the government’s army which only gained control over most of the territory during the last years, when the US started to sponsor it.
None of these three groups can claim that their hands are clean.
Alvaro Uribe, the current Colombian president, was elected with near unanimity for the main purpose to put an end to the increasing power of the guerrillas and the paramilitaries. The government efforts to size down the guerrilla have been a decisive factor for recovering the country’s confidence. Uribe’s administration took bold steps to confront the guerrilla. Among them: the liberation of the high profile people kidnapped by the guerrilla, strikes in Ecuador’s territory, and the killing in combat of several FARC’s leaders.

Uribe also offered a peace treaty to the paramilitary and, thanks to the Opposition, he has opened a Truth Commission. All the horrors caused by the paramilitary have been unraveling in front of the public. Nevertheless, when it comes to forgiveness under the condition of cooperation with justice – a frequent mechanism in Truth Commissions -, not much has been offered to the victims by Uribe’s administration.
The country is acclaiming Uribe. Colombia seems to be on the path of progress. At last the main threats to economic development do not come from the drug war, and the global economic turmoil still blows softer in Colombian soil. Uribe holds two powerful cards: the bellicose conflict seems to have been resolved and the public wallet seems safe. His level of approval is high enough for making likely the passing of a constitutional reform in order to allow him to be reelected for a third term. Some people even joke about it: for instance, there is a Facebook group that rejects the reelection because they want Uribe to be king (“Uribe Rey: No a la Reelección”). In some polls his level of approval reaches 80%.
The support he gets from the public has two consequences: first, the radicalization of Uribe supporters, and second the increasing quality of the legal opposition. It was the opposition which pushed to have the paramilitary being tried, leading to the extradition of some chiefs; it was the opposition which got the US to push for more action in justice and human rights improvement; and it was also the opposition which first presented a project of reparations for the victims. But Uribe seldom recognizes the points of those who criticize his actions.

Most of the Colombians affected by the violence have received very little attention from the international media, apart for the big wigs such as Mrs. Betancourt. But, under the action of the opposition, a law was presented before the Congress in order to organize funding and terms of reparations for the victims. The law was expected to benefit more than 3 million people over the course of 10 years. However, in one of the last debates in Congress, the government ultimately changed completely its content. It discriminates among victims from the State army and the ones from the paramilitary. Furthermore, the law establishes a limit for the reparation an individual is allowed to receive. Finally, the Government changed the legal basis of the reparations from the basic principle of government’s responsibility towards its citizens to the one of national solidarity.
The original proposal offered resources for communities’ renewal: infrastructure projects and programs for the distribution of confiscated land among the refugees. But these projects were taken out of the proposal by the governmental coalition. Another controversial point resides in the fact that the victims have to subscribe to a database in the next two years, even though the conflict is not over yet. And last month, media revealed that in several units of the regular army, poor people recruited by officers had been disappearing without explanation. Some time after, their bodies would reappear and be presented as guerilla members shot in combat. As these dead people are not declared as “victims”, their families have no right to compensation either.
At the time of this article being written the debate is still going on. However, in the absence of international pressure over Uribe’s coalition, it is most likely that Uribe’s version of the project will pass.

Most of Colombian people -, including me! - would like to look ahead and close the book. We recognize that Uribe has changed the outlook of the war and that the government has taken back control of the country. But there is a pervasive feeling that justice is only for the rich and the powerful, which will continue to shape social interaction. As long as this is the case, we will still perceive the history of our country under the twin stars of injustice and violence.


週五, 28 十一月 2008 18:35

潮浪來襲.極權再現

「專制與極權可能在現今西方社會死灰復燃嗎?」
「自由主義孕育的新生代對法西斯集權思潮有免疫力嗎?」
「握有權力者能抗拒『以控制他人為樂』的誘惑嗎?」
這些問題在《惡魔教室》,有令人震撼的解答。

鄭祿平 撰文

導演 丹尼斯.甘塞爾(Dennis Gansel)
片名《惡魔教室》(The Wave)
出品年份 二○○八年
台灣上映時間 二○○八年十一月(傳影互動發行)

本片由美國作家莫頓‧盧(Morton Rhue)同名小說改編。小說靈感來自一九六七年美國加州一所高中發生的真實故事,電影則探討現代社會面臨法西斯主義的衝擊所產生的效應。
片中原本滿懷抱負的溫老師想在新學期教授「無政府主義」,不料被資深老師威朗搶先一步,只好改教「獨裁主義」。有趣的是,以集權方式壟斷權力的「獨裁主義」與反獨裁主義的「無政府主義」,卻在校園正式開打;不幸的則是,無政府的理想完全抵擋不了獨裁浪潮侵襲,第二天,威朗的學生就紛紛投入溫老師的懷抱。

驚濤駭浪掀起

獨裁制度皆有其領導人物,此領導者屬韋伯(Weber)所言「卡里司瑪權威」(Charismatic Authority)類型:因具非凡魅力,其非主流行動總吸引更多人參與。溫老師是這個班級具有此類特質的人,在他被拱為領導者後,隨即要求學生在課堂上喚他為「威格先生」,以其命令為行事指導原則。為營造集體意識氛圍,溫老師也重新調整同學的座位(去角色),以消弭個性化的自由意志,致力服從權威,使彼此成為命運共同體。
此刻,班級內情境力量已大於個人意志。眾人將這新組織取名為「潮浪」,陸續訂定識別記號,包括穿白襯衫(制服)、揮動固定手勢、建立網站識別系統,並服膺「紀律鑄造力量」之理念。
受到強烈歸屬感及認同感的鼓舞,大伙兒都想在團體內有好表現,讓自己成為標準潮浪份子。於是這些學生四處張貼印有潮浪logo的貼紙,甚至冒險爬到大樓鷹架,在外掛的大型帆布上噴漆。雖然這些瘋狂舉動讓市警人員頭痛不已,卻吸引不少年輕人的目光。這些學生也在課堂外招募組織成員,將溫老師的理念發揚光大。短短幾天不到,整個校園迷漫一股「潮浪」熱,組織成員倍增。現在他們最大的敵人,竟是非我族類的非潮浪或反潮浪者。

何謂自由

片中人物內在性格與外在行為在「潮浪」出現後,也產生了有趣轉變。如原本處在劣勢(weakness)受人欺凌排斥的迪莫,加入組織後性格丕變──其擁槍自重、逞兇鬥狠的強勢作為,一改過去唯唯諾諾的軟弱;喜歡唱反調、破壞團體和諧與常規的費爾迪,在加入潮浪後,竟蛻變成服從權威、遵守團體紀律的青年;麗莎成為潮浪人後,則開始勇於表達意見,不但與好友卡羅爭執,並大膽向卡羅男友馬克示愛,與之前的害羞溫柔判若兩人;而強調遵守秩序的卡羅,也在「潮浪」引發一連串受爭議的行動後,開始質疑紀律的價值,甚至最後成為反動者。
對於溫老師的教學方式,不僅其他教職人員嗤之以鼻,就連同執教鞭的妻子也看不下去。校方則私下支持溫老師,畢竟他們對學生缺乏紀律與管教的無禮,早就忍無可忍!如同電影《我和我的小鬼》(The Class)所突顯的自由主義(Liberalism)教育弊端:學生在課堂上言語肢體衝突不斷,刻薄的砲火讓原本滿懷理想的老師澆熄教學熱情。
事實上,自由主義引發的爭議不勝枚舉。以族群議題來說,當強調公平無差異的自由主義面對少數族群(如原住民)在缺乏資源(或資源被掠奪)的立足點不平等的情況下,要他們如何與主流/強勢族群在社會上公平競爭?也因這種種謬誤,反自由主義的思惟與理念遂有機可乘。

天使惡魔一線之隔

溫老師被學生的崇拜沖昏了頭。儘管最後他終於覺醒,想利用推倒偶像(他自己)權威,讓跟隨者信心動搖,使組織瓦解,終止實驗,但情況並非如此單純:當迪莫眼見心中巨人──威格先生變成平凡人,他的情緒崩潰,先槍擊叛離組織的同學,而後在所有潮浪成員面前飲彈自盡。
短短六天,一套制服、一個身分,就輕易讓人性情大變。這令人想起同樣只維持六天的「史丹佛監獄實驗」(The Stanford Prison Experiment)──主導這項實驗的社會心理學家金巴多(Philip G. Zimbardo)教授,早在一九七一年就看清人性本質,以及情境對人類性格轉變具有的深刻影響力。三十多年後,金巴多教授在《路西法效應》(The Lucifer Effect)書中,除了從「史丹佛監獄實驗」到「伊拉克監獄虐囚案」觀察到的社會現象剖析複雜人性,最重要的是,他讓我們明瞭「情境力量」與「團體動力」如何使天使變成惡魔。
本片是《英雄教育》(NaPolA)導演丹尼斯‧甘賽爾執導的最新作品。除沿用《英》片男主角馬克思‧雷邁特(Max Riemelt)擔任水球校隊隊員,還請來約根‧沃格爾(Jurgen Vogel)飾演實驗課獨裁領導者──溫老師。丹尼斯似乎對極權思潮如何魅惑年輕人心志特感興趣:「很多人誤以為我們已對極權主義產生免疫力,事實上我認為這是自我欺騙。偽裝在集體心理下的獨裁主義仍舊活躍,只差一個具煽動群眾力量的領導者。」丹尼斯的忠告完整體現在整部作品,而且他終究相信人有反省/自覺能力,於是安排卡羅在校園內發放反「潮浪」宣傳單,彷彿重現一九四三年反納粹組織「白玫瑰」(the White Rose)的索爾兄妹冒險到處散發反納粹傳單。這意味無論情境多麼混亂黑暗,仍有人不畏險阻,維護社會公平與正義,在道德良知驅使下,為所應為!

【人籟論辨月刊第55期,2008年12月】

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